Maricopa Community College
District
Shared Governance
Revisited
A Strategic Conversation Facilitated
by the MCCD Faculty Association
By:
Dr. Barry F.
Vaughan
October 12,
2004
Sometime in the first century of the second millennium of the Common Era,
some like to claim around 1088, the need for an organized and systematic
exploration of canonical and secular law drove the aspiring youth of Bologne and
surrounding Italian city-states to contract with expert jurists to give lectures
on the history and application of law.
The working relationships between the experts and novices were so
successful that soon swarms of aspiring young minds from throughout Italy
swelled the population of the ancient city creating the need for an organization
to coordinate and facilitate the needs of the novices and experts. Housing, libraries, teaching facilities,
supplies, contracts for lectures, curricular organization and rewards for
various levels of intellectual achievement all needed to be systematized. Initially this coordination was
conducted by the experts and novices themselves, each seeing to their own
needs. However, the growth of this
new enterprise quickly caught the attention of the state, and soon the city
itself was involved by adding, for a price, its imprimatur. The Church too, joined in blessing the
new enterprise by granting the title “teacher” to the content experts whom the
students so desperately sought out.
Thus, in a desperate attempt to preserve the last vestiges of the now
shattered Roman Empire, in the midst of what we now call the Medieval period,
organized higher education was born.
The organizational structure of the first institution of higher learning,
like those which quickly began springing up throughout Europe, was simple and
direct. Students organized
themselves into what were called “universities” organized by subject of interest
and nationality. The student unions
organized affordable housing for their fellows, and contracted with the faculty
to provide lectures in their areas of expertise. Faculty worked with the student unions
to secure facilities or land grants from wealthy benefactors (usually the local
monarch or a wealthy trade guild).
They also worked cooperatively to secure the most expensive and rare
commodity needed in these early universities, books. While plentiful throughout the near
East, North Africa, and Muslim controlled southern Spain, books were extremely
rare in Europe and very difficult to access. The books that were collected in early
university libraries had to be chained to the shelves and reading tables.
With the passage of time the early universities of Europe settled in to a
common organizational patter. As
students were far more transitory, the faculty gradually took control of more
and more of the operational functions of the institution. They not only taught the eager, if all
too advantaged, youth that continued to swarm to these educational institutions,
but also administered their affairs.
Chancellors and deans were selected by the faculty from their own ranks
and usually continued to teach while also performing their administrative
duties. But the organizational
pattern remained decidedly horizontal.
Certainly within the faculty ranks there was a hierarchy dependent on
level of expertise, but the institution did not tend to reflect this as an
organizational pattern. And this
faculty-centered structure would continue to serve as the pattern for both
secular and ecclesiastical institutions of higher learning for centuries to
come.
The first significant alteration of the traditional model of university
organization would not come about until the end of the Nineteenth Century. The post-civil war era in the United
States and its rapid industrialization facilitated by unrestrained capitalism
gave rise not only to disproportionate concentration of wealth in the hands of
the so-called “robber barons”, but also witnessed the birth of a new social
class, for want of a better term.
In the latter half of the Nineteenth Century the managerial class came in
to its own. Neither laborers nor
capitalists, the managers became increasingly essential in the bureaucratic
organization of industrial corporations which were too large to be effectively
managed by a single person, or even a board of directors. External pressures from shareholders
demanding efficiency and return on investment as well as increasing government
regulation further bolstered the role of the managerial class.
Early in the Twentieth Century the managerial class was beginning to
appear in American institutions of higher education. The new science of education demanded
not only an objective exploration and explication of the processes of teaching
and learning, but also an institution that reflected those objective
values. Experts on educational
organization increasingly replaced their more randomly selected faculty
predecessors in the hierarchies of colleges and universities. The time of professional educational
administrators had arrived. We
should note that most of these individuals were themselves scholars or faculty
from the newly emerging social sciences who had a particular interest in
institutional patterns and organizations.
However, the rise of professional administration now crated three
distinct interest groups in institutions of higher learning: students, faculty, and now
administration.
The post-war decades would see the next significant change in the
organization of institutions of higher education in America. The influx of a larger and more diverse
student body financed by the GI Bill crated the need for a rapid expansion of
existing colleges and universities as well as the creation of new
institutions. The “Arms Race” of
this Cold War period also saw an influx of tax dollars for research in both the
theoretical and applied sciences.
Along with the boon of this increased revenue, however, came significant
regulation which created the need for further expansion of administration as
well as significant increases in administrative support. Administration and their support teams
were beginning to outnumber faculty, and the traditional authority of the
faculty was beginning to decline.
More significant still were the challenges arising from the end of the
Cold War. Government funding for
research, especially in the areas of pure science, was significantly
curtailed. While public funding at
the state level would be maintained for a while, a broader social shift was
bringing even greater pressure on the organization of American colleges and
universities. The post-Vietnam era
saw the expansion of corporate culture to public institutions. The conservative climate of the last two
decades of the Twentieth Century saw the rise of the popular, but naïve, view
that the success of business, due to its unique organizational pattern, could be
attained in public entities if only they too would adopt the corporate
organizational model. In government
this was reflected in the fervor for term limits; the problem with government,
it was often said, was that its leadership was too entrenched. Term limits would allow greater
flexibility on the part of Congress and insure greater creativity and
responsiveness to constituent demands.
Likewise for education, the business model promised creativity and
flexibility to meet the increasingly complex demands of a global business
climate. Students should be thought
of as customers, administrators as management, faculty as labor, and education
should be conceived as a commodity to be designed, packaged, and marketed to
meet consumer desire.
We find ourselves in the flow of history in the early Twenty-First
Century wondering where we might be a century from now. There has been greater change in
institutions of higher learning in the past century, then in the preceding seven
centuries. Likewise, it seems that
more change has occurred in the past two decades than over the course of the
Twentieth Century as a whole. That
is, we seem to be on something of an exponential curve of change. It is, therefore, more important that
ever that we carefully consider who and what we are as an organization lest we
loose ourselves in the increasing blur of novelty. And so tonight, we are going to address
ourselves to an exploration of the nature of institutional organization in
general, and more specifically the notion of shared governance in higher
education.
It is essential in any substantive discussion to begin with a
clarification of terminology, so it would seem appropriate to begin with a
definition of ‘shared governance’.
However, since it is our primary goals to explore that idea itself, we
will defer the question for the present.
Instead, we shall begin with a very brief overview of the history of
shared governance in institutions of higher learning in America pretending, for
the moment, we know what that means.
Substantive conversations of shared governance date back to the early
decades of the Twentieth Century.
In 1901 Professor Edward Ross was dismissed from Stanford University
because the wife of the university’s founder, Mrs. Leland Stanford, thought
Ross’ theories of economics were too liberal. The dismissal of a professor to satisfy
an external constituency sent shock waves not only through Stanford University,
but also throughout American institutions of higher learning. If faculty could be terminated to
satisfy the variable whims of external constituencies, the principle of academic
freedom, central to the mission of higher education, could not be defended. If the mission of higher education was
to be preserved, the academic freedom of all faculty and students had to be
established as a right. To that
end, a group of faculty from several colleges and universities met in New York
City in 1915 and founded the American Association of University Professors. The following year the Committee on
College and University Governance was established, and since 1916 the AAUP has
worked with faculty and administrators to help secure the rights of faculty and
students in the context of higher education. It was clear from the beginning that in
order to guarantee the future viability of higher education freedom of inquiry
must be secured. Likewise, to
secure academic freedom faculty had to be guaranteed a significant role in the
governance of their institutions.
Hence, discussions of shared governance began throughout the American
academic world.
The AAUP recognized that there could be no single model of institutional
organization since there are significant variations in types of colleges and
universities. The organization of
secular institutions will differ from ecclesiastical schools, variations in
state law will require variant structures to be in place, but some
generalizations could be made. It
was recognized that governing boards (or boards of regents), administration, and
faculty each had unique and vital roles and that each group should exercise
authority over its appropriate domain.
Governing boards usually provide final institutional authority and are
responsible for publishing and/or creating institutional policies, working to
insure capital and operational funding and defending the institution as an
essential interest of society.
Chancellors or presidents are primarily tasked with overseeing and
managing the operational and procedural needs of the institution, serving as a
mediator between the learning community and the governing board, and serving as
spokesmen for the institution to the general public. The faculty is responsible for the
academic life of the institution including curriculum, appropriate subject
matter, method of instruction, research, faculty hiring and status, and student
life insofar as it relates to the process of teaching and learning. But how are these diverse groups
to manage their affairs for the greater good of the institution as a whole? How should a college or university
structure itself to insure that each part of the institution is most
appropriately attending to its responsibilities? That question must be continually
revisited as an institution grows and matures along with its community. And that question is one w are
revisiting tonight.